This Week in the American Civil War: May 20-26, 1863

MN150Logo_OL_FNLInformation courtesy of the

Minnesota Civil War Commemoration Task Force

(www.mncivilwar150.com and “Minnesota Civil War 150” on Facebook)

 

Major Highlights for the Week

Wednesday May 20, 1863

Confederate President Jefferson Davis was improving after being ill for the past several weeks.

Federal Major General Ulysses S. Grant contemplated the problems he was facing regarding a direct attack on the city of Vicksburg, Mississippi.

Two blockade-runners arrived safely at the port of Charleston, South Carolina, from Nassau with valuable cargo. However, two others were captured, including one off the Neuse River, North Carolina.

Skirmishing occurred at Salem and Collierville, Tennessee; at Cheneyville, Louisiana, and at Fort Gibson, Indian Territory.

Thursday May 21, 1863

SIEGE OF PORT HUDSON BEGINS

A portion of Major General Nathaniel Bank’s Federals moved out of Baton Rouge, Louisiana on the Clinton Road towards Port Hudson. The main army, coming from Alexandria, approached Bayou Sara on the west side of the Mississippi River. Minor action occurred at Plains Store near Port Hudson, although Federal operations were not complete, the siege had begun.

A Federal flotilla went up the Yazoo River to Yazoo City, Mississippi, but before they arrived, Confederates destroyed their shops and the navy yard, including two steamboats and an unfinished gunboat.

Friday May 22, 1863

SECOND ASSAULT ON VICKSBURG BEGINS

Federal Major General Ulysses Grant’s forces attacked a three-mile section of the crescent-shaped defenses at Vicksburg with all the power that he could muster. At 10 A.M., the Federals surged forward against the Confederate lines extending from Stockade Redan on the north to Fort Garrott on the south. The charge over deep, narrow ravines that added to the man-made defenses of the city was against six strong points and a line of high breastworks protected by dirt and logs. One breakthrough at Railroad Redoubt was briefly successful, but Confederate counterattacks closed the breech. Federal gunboats and mortars also bombarded the area. Later, Grant regretted making the “suicide attack.” Of the 45,000 Federal troops engaged, 502 were killed; 2,550 wounded and 147 were missing for a combined loss of 3,199. Confederate aggregate losses were under 500. The result of the failed attack was a long siege with Federal troops digging approach trenches and building artillery positions. 

Saturday May 23, 1863

President Abraham Lincoln conferred with military and naval officials about the unsuccessful attack on Charleston, South Carolina.

In Ohio, petitions circulated protesting the “arbitrary arrest, illegal trial, and inhuman imprisonment of Hon. C. L. Vallandigham.”

Near Bayou Sara, Federal Major General Nathaniel Bank’s force crossed the Mississippi River at night and headed for Port Hudson in a heavy thunderstorm, while skirmishing occurred on the Springfield and Plains Store roads near the town.

Sunday May 24, 1863

After a month of major military activity, the war entered a period of relative quietness. Lessor actions continued, as always, but the armies rested and waited, otherwise.

In Virginia, Federal Major General Joseph Hooker faced Confederate General Robert E. Lee at Fredericksburg; Federal Major General William S. Rosecran’s regrouped at Murfreesboro, Tennessee, while his Confederate opponent, General Braxton Bragg, who remained near Tullahoma, Sparta and Wartrace, Tennessee. The siege at Vicksburg, Mississippi was just beginning, while Major General Nathaniel Bank’s Federal forces began siege operations against Port Hudson, Louisiana.

Major General John A. Schofield was ordered to command the Federal Department of the Missouri, replacing Major General Samuel R. Curtis, who was reassigned to the Department of Kansas and Indian Territory.

President Abraham Lincoln spent the day visiting with wounded troops in the hospitals around Washington, D.C.

Monday May 25, 1863

Confederates failed to evacuate Port Hudson and Federal efforts to surround the post got fully under way. There was a skirmish at Thompson’s Creek near Port Hudson and Federals captured the Confederate steamers Starlight and Red Chief on the Mississippi River.

Federal military authorities in Tennessee turned over former Ohio congressman Clement L. Vallandigham to the Confederates His prison sentence had been changed by President Lincoln o banishment from the United States after his conviction of expressing alleged pro-Confederate sentiments.

Tuesday May 26, 1863

Federal troops under Major General Nathaniel Banks completed setting up siege operations at Port Hudson below Vicksburg on the Mississippi River.

Gold was discovered in Alder Gulch by William Fairweather, Barney Hughes, Thomas Cover, Henry Rodgers, Henry Edgar and Bill Sweeney on Crow Indian lands in what is now the State of Montana. A wild boom followed in Alder Gulch, which relieved Federal authorities who feared a threat to the California gold mines. Alder Gulch became the epitome of a frontier mining down and was soon renamed, Virginia City.

Where Minnesota Regiments were the week of May 20-26, 1863 

1st Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Bivouacked near Banks Ford, Virginia until June 1863.

2nd Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Chapel Hill, Tennessee until June 4, 1863.

3rd Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Fort Heiman, Kentucky until June 2, 1863.

4th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Participated in the Assault and Siege of Vicksburg until July 4, 1863.

5th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Participated in the Siege of Vicksburg until July 4, 1863.

6th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Camp Pope near Iowa City, Iowa until June 16, 1863.

7th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On garrison duty in Mankato and other points in Minnesota until June 1863.

8th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Marched to Fort Ridgely for duty until June 5, 1864.

9th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On garrison duty in various frontier Minnesota communities until June 1863.

10th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Regiment on detached service for garrison duty at various outposts in frontier Minnesota until June 1863.

1st Regiment Minnesota Cavalry “Mounted Rangers” – Organized at St. Cloud, St. Peter and Fort Snelling for frontier duty against Indians until June 1863.

Brackett’s Battalion of Minnesota Cavalry – On duty at Fort Donelson, Tennessee until June 5, 1863.

1st Minnesota Light Artillery Battery – On duty during siege of Vicksburg, Mississippi, until July 4, 1863.

2nd Independent Battery, Minnesota Light Artillery – On duty at Murfreesboro Tennessee until June 4, 1863.

3rd Battery, Minnesota Light Artillery – Organized at Fort Snelling, Minnesota from the enlisted men of the 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry Regiments. On duty at Fort Snelling until June 16, 1863.

2nd United States Sharpshooters, Company A – Bivouacked near Falmouth, Virginia until June 1863.

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This Week in the American Civil War: May 13-19, 1863

MN150Logo_OL_FNLInformation courtesy of the

Minnesota Civil War Commemoration Task Force

(www.mncivilwar150.com and “Minnesota Civil War 150” on Facebook)

 

Major Highlights for the Week

Wednesday May 13, 1863

Two corps of Major General Ulysses S. Grant’s army moved towards Jackson, Mississippi, while Major General John A. McClernand’s corps headed north to Clinton. At Jackson, Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston could only muster 12,000 men and knew that Grant’s army stood between him Major General John C. Pemberton’s army.

Skirmishes occurred at Mississippi Springs, along with Baldwin’s Ferry and Hall’s Ferry, all in Mississippi.

Thursday May 14, 1863

ENGAGEMENT AT JACKSON, MISSISSIPPI

By midmorning, Major General James McPherson’s and Major General William T. Sherman’s corps of Major General Ulysses Grant’s army neared Jackson, Mississippi in a hard rain. Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston, knowing that it was futile to oppose Grant with only 12,000 men, evacuated his supply chain and moved off to the north. The Federals easily overcame the two Confederate brigades and by midafternoon occupied the state capital. Major General John A. McClernand, on the rail line between Jackson and Vicksburg, stood between Johnston and Confederate Major General John C. Pemberton’s forces. Grant’s task was now to turn west from Jackson and move against Pemberton near Edwards’s Station.

In Virginia, Major General Joseph Hooker wrote to President Abraham Lincoln about his problems with the Army of the Potomac, which had delayed further operations since the Battle of Chancellorsville two weeks earlier. Lincoln, in turn, wrote the general that he would not complain if he kept the enemy at bay but would not restrain him from renewing the attack, and warned Hooker that he had intimations that “some of your corps and Division commanders are not giving you their entire confidence.”

Friday May 15, 1863

Using several roads, Federal Major General Ulysses Grant’s forces converged on Edwards’s Station, east of Vicksburg. Major General William T. Sherman and two divisions remained in Jackson to destroy Confederate supplies and installations. Confederate Major General John C. Pemberton’s main force was near Edwards’s Station and a strong garrison was at Vicksburg. Portions of the two armies were only four miles apart by nightfall.

Skirmishing occurred at Fort Smith, Arkansas; and at Big Creek, near Pleasant Hill, Missouri. 

Saturday May 16, 1863

BATTLE OF CHAMPION’S HILL, MISSISSIPPI

Major General Ulysses Grant’s Federal army advanced from Jackson towards Vicksburg, threatening to cut the communications between Confederate Major General John C. Pemberton, near Edwards’s Station, and General Joseph E. Johnston further north. The Confederates were blockaded by Federal forces at Champion’s Hill. A division of Federal Major General John A. McClernand’s corps attack just before noon, driving the Confederates back on the left. Confederates successfully counterattacked, forcing Grant to reinforce his right with Major General James McPherson’s men. By mid-afternoon, the hill changed hands a third time. Pemberton failed to rally his troops and began to withdraw towards Vicksburg and the Big Black River. Federal troops engaged were 29,000 with 410 killed; 1,844 wounded and 187 missing for 2,441 total casualties. The Confederates started with just under 20,000 troops and lost 381 killed; approximately 1,800 wounded and 1,670 missing for a combined loss of 3,851. Pemberton was left with little choice but to fall back towards Vicksburg.

Sunday May 17, 1863

ENGAGEMENT AT BIG BLACK RIVER BRIDGE, MISSISSIPPI

Confederate Major General John C. Pemberton, with his back to the Big Black River between Vicksburg and Jackson, awaited a missing division, which was cut off and forced to join General Joseph E. Johnston’s army. The Union army opened fire on the entrenched Confederates, who, in danger of being cut off from crossing the river, retired in disorder and burned the bridges. Federal Major General Ulysses Grant’s army was temporarily halted. Federal losses were 39 killed; 237 wounded and 3 missing for 279 total casualties, while more than 1,700 Confederates were captured.

Monday May 18, 1863

SIEGE OF VICKSBURG BEGINS

Federal Major General Ulysses Grant’s triumphant army moved across the Big Black River, took Haynes’s Bluff, and began to siege the city of Vicksburg, Mississippi. Confederate Major General John C. Pemberton, ordered by General Joseph E. Johnston to evacuate the city, and while considering the problems of how to get out and the effect of losing such a key position, with the advice of subordinate officers, decided to stay. The Siege of Vicksburg had begun.

Confederate President Jefferson Davis called for civilians and militia members to join General Joseph E. Johnston’s army in Mississippi and urged Johnston to link up with Pemberton and attack the enemy.

Tuesday May 19, 1863

FIRST ASSAULT ON VICKSBURG

Federal Major General Ulysses Grant, anxious to climax his campaign with the surrender of Vicksburg, hoped that a sudden assault would prevent Confederate Major General John C. Pemberton from completing his defensive arrangements. In midafternoon, Federal Major General William T. Sherman’s forces attacked, despite heavy fire on the Union right, and made an advance at Stockade Redan. However, he failed to penetrate the works and was driven back. Major Generals James McPherson and John A. McClernand had even less success. About a thousand Federal casualties ensued, attesting to the strong Confederate position. Federal mortars began pounding the city from vessels on the Yazoo River.

Where Minnesota Regiments were the week of May 13-19, 1863 

1st Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Bivouacked near Banks Ford, Virginia until June 1863.

2nd Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Chapel Hill, Tennessee until June 4, 1863.

3rd Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Fort Heiman, Kentucky until June 2, 1863.

4th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Participated in the Battles of Jackson, Champion’s Hill, and Big Black River Bridge, Mississippi, in support of Grant’s Vicksburg Campaign, and the Siege of Vicksburg.

5th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Participated in the skirmish at Mississippi Springs, and Battle of Jackson, Mississippi and the Siege of Vicksburg.

6th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Camp Pope near Iowa City, Iowa until June 16, 1863.

7th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On garrison duty in Mankato and other points in Minnesota until June 1863.

8th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On frontier duty at various points in Minnesota: Anoka, Princeton, Monticello, Kingston, Manannah, Paynesville, Fort Ripley, Sauk Center, Pomme de Terre, Alexandria and Fort Abercrombie until May 24, 1864.

9th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On garrison duty in various frontier Minnesota communities until June 1863.

10th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Regiment on detached service for garrison duty at various outposts in frontier Minnesota until June 1863.

1st Regiment Minnesota Cavalry “Mounted Rangers” – Organized at St. Cloud, St. Peter and Fort Snelling for frontier duty against Indians until June 1863.

Brackett’s Battalion of Minnesota Cavalry – On duty at Fort Donelson, Tennessee until June 5, 1863.

1st Minnesota Light Artillery Battery – On duty during siege of Vicksburg, Mississippi, until July 4, 1863.

2nd Independent Battery, Minnesota Light Artillery – On duty at Murfreesboro Tennessee until June 4, 1863.

3rd Battery, Minnesota Light Artillery – Organized at Fort Snelling, Minnesota from the enlisted men of the 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry Regiments. On duty at Fort Snelling until June 16, 1863.

2nd United States Sharpshooters, Company A – Bivouacked near Falmouth, Virginia until June 1863.

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Lieutenant General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson (1824-1863) C.S.A.

Thomas Jonathan Jackson was known as “Stonewall,” but “the Christian soldier” would have been a more appropriate title. his military experience was in artillery, yet he excelled as a commander of infantry. Soldiers adored him, despite the fact that he was a tight-lipped, stern-disciplined eccentric. Fellow generals were in awe of him because his silence concealed a fiery combativeness smoldering deep inside. Although he was in the field but two years during the Civil War, he more than any other individual became the radiant hope of the Southern cause. more astounding are the number of people – past and present – who assert that had he not died in 1863, his genius would have enabled the Confederate States to achieve their independence. Such was the mystique of Thomas J. Jackson.

His life personifies the American rags-to-riches story. It began with a childhood so sad that Jackson would not talk about it except with the women he loved.

Jackson7 Jackson was born near midnight on 20-21 January 1824, at the village of Clarksburg in the mountains of what was then northwestern Virginia. His father, Jonathan Jackson, was a struggling, ne’er-do-well attorney whose debts overwhelmed the obligations of caring for a young wife and three small children. Thomas was only two when his father and a sister died of typhoid fever. For four years Mrs. Julia Neale Jackson and her children were wards of the town of Clarksburg. Young Tom Jackson’s clothing consisted of a torn shirt and one pair of ragged trousers.

His mother remarried, but Jackson’s stepfather was financially unable to care for the children. Hence, they were sent individually to live with relatives. Jackson’s mother died within a year. At an early age, the boy was an orphan too familiar with death.

He grew up at Jackson’s Mill, the family estate some twenty miles south of Clarksburg. Jackson was under the care of an uncle, Cummins E. Jackson, who ran lumber and grist mills, raised crops and livestock, operated a racetrack, and pursued other businesses – all with little regard for honesty or decency. Cummins Jackson gave his nephew security; he was incapable of the familial love a lonely boy needed. Tom Jackson became accustomed to hard work. He also became a loner – shy, withdrawn, and introspective. What education he received came from a love of reading and local tutors who taught him basic rudiments from time to time.

In 1842, Jackson secured an appointment to the U.S. Military Academy. The opportunity came only because the boy who had originally been picked from his congressional district decided against a military education. Few youths have ever entered West Point with less academic preparation than 18-year-old Tom Jackson. In appearance and personality, he was an awkward, almost comical mountaineer devoid of social graces. No one gave young Jackson much chance of completing the requirements at what was then America’s finest engineering college. Yet no one was aware of the iron self-discipline inside the unimpressive lad.

Jackson realized that West Point probably offered him the only chance for a college education that he would ever have. If he could graduate, a respectable career as an army officer would elevate him far above his orphan background. So the proud mountain boy developed impassivity as a protection while he concentrated all of his energies on the single purpose of learning.

Jackson1For four years Jackson did little else but study. He pored over his books at night by the light of the coal fire in his room until, a classmate said, he literally burned the lessons in his brain. They remained there. Jackson never forgot anything.

He made few friends, took no part in extracurricular activities, attained no cadet rank. He allowed himself solitary walks, and he was a faithful correspondent with his sister, Laura, back in Virginia. Those were the only “diversions” Jackson allowed himself to have. Resolution, patience, and constant study overcame all the handicaps that Jackson had faced. In the graduating class of 1846, he ranked seventeenth among fifty-nine seniors. Professors and cadets alike were unanimous in their opinion that had the curriculum lasted one more year, the orphan boy from the mountains would have been number one in his class.

At West Point, Jackson began jotting down in a small notebook one-line statements of life that he encountered here and there. What became the most famous of those quotations was also a testimonial to his four years at the academy: “You may be what ever you will resolve to be.”

War with Mexico was under way when Jackson entered the U.S. Army as a lieutenant in the 3d Artillery  Regiment. At a time when the average man was five feet, seven inches tall and weighed 135 pounds, Jackson stood a full six feet and carried 175 pounds. He had an extended forehead, a sharp nose, unusually large hands and feet, and a surprisingly high-pitched voice. They physical feature that attracted instant attention were pale blue eyes that stared at everything with deep intensity.

Jackson’s battery was in reserve for the first six months after arriving in Mexico. The young lieutenant despaired of ever knowing the emotions of battle. Then, in March 1847, he saw his first action at Vera Cruz; thereafter, he was in the thick of the fighting at Contreras and Chapultepec. Within seven months, Jackson gained three brevet promotions for gallantry under fire. None of his classmates achieved as much, and no American officer received more citations for valor.

Jackson11For the next two years, major Jackson performed uneventful duties at various army posts in New York. It was at the first of these assignments – Fort Hamilton – that his interest in religion emerged to the forefront. A reader of the Bible since his teenage years, Jackson now pursued a search for a religious home. He received baptism at an Episcopal church near  Fort Hamilton, and he attended different services at various churches. None fulfilled his spiritual needs.

Although still an artillery officer, Jackson was also an assistant quartermaster at most of the posts to which he was sent. His most frequent duties were courts-martial. Such appointments took him to a number of military installations in  New York and Pennsylvania. In his spare time, Jackson preferred reading. history was his favorite subject, Napoleon his favorite figure. Jackson also maintained a steady correspondence with his beloved sister, Laura. By then she had married and was living in Beverly in northwestern Virginia. For the next ten years, Jackson would make periodic visits to Beverly. He was very close to Laura, and he exhibited a growing affection for her small son, Thomas Jackson Arnold.

Concerns over health became a near obsession with Jackson. Stomach disorders and weak eyesight were the chief disorders, but Jackson was convinced at one time or other that every one of his organs was malfunctioning to some degree. He attributed his troubles as punishment from God for his sins. Jackson, like so many of his contemporaries, treated himself with a wide variety of medications. He also sought relief from several New York physicians.

The result of all the dosages, ministrations, and exercises was a twofold regimen that Jackson followed. To curb the pangs of dyspepsia, he ate only those things he did not like – and in small quantities. his strict diet actually brought an improvement over that ailment. To aid in combating all of his other physical problems, Jackson became an ardent devotee of hydrotherapy. He regularly visited spas in the summertime and became convinced that two or three weeks in such heavy water was quite beneficial.

In December 1850, Jackson’s artillery company transferred to duty at Fort Meade in the remote interior of Florida. The isolation and the boredom of that assignment, in addition to Jackson’s growing devotion to the word of God, were all instrumental in a bitter disagreement between Jackson and his superior, Major William H. French. Each soon filed formal accusations of misconduct against the other. At least one court-martial seemed imminent.

Such proceedings never occurred, because Jackson left the army. In the midst of the explosive situation, he received an offer to joint he faculty of the Virginia Military Institute (VMI). Located at Lexington in the upper (southern) end of the Shenandoah Valley, the academy, barely 12 years old, was small and somewhat unproven. Yet it offered Jackson a new life, a change of scenery, and an opportunity to return to western Virginia. he arrived in Lexington in late summer 1851 and entered a new world as a college professor.

Jackson spent a fourth of his life at VMI. While his name and that of the Institute are permanently intertwined, it was not because of performance in the section room. Unfamiliar with the subject matter he was to teach (Natural and Experimental Philosophy), and equally unfamiliar with teaching young boys, Jackson struggled for years to be effective in the classroom. He was forced to study as he taught, because topics in the course such as magnetism, acoustics, astronomy, and physics were alien to him. Mastering the subject was bad enough; learning how to present it was even more difficult. Jackson, a stickler for discipline, expected the same from students. Indifferent to opinions, he also lacked warmth and humor. Poor eyesight led him to memorize his lectures the day before he delivered them. Class presentation was a high-pitched monotone. If questioned on a point by a student, he was unable to respond with a different approach. Jackson could only repeat verbatim what he had just said. Finally, he never seemed to realize that he was dealing with immature boys, not soldiers accustomed to receiving orders.

Students initially took an instant dislike to him. Cadets referred to him as “Tom Fool,” “Old Blue Light,” “Hell and Thunder,” “crazy as damnation,” “the worst teacher that God has ever made,” and similar derogations. They played pranks on Jackson and scoffed with frustration because he never seemed aware of anything out of the ordinary.

“The Major” brought much of this on himself because of a number of eccentricities that he regularly exhibited. Without warning, he sometimes would thrust his arm into the air and make several, violent pumping motions with it – to create better blood circulation, he explained. On occasion, Jackson would forget to eat; he was known to wear winter clothing in the summer and vice versa; he walked with exaggerated strides, never looking right or left. Always did he seem wrapped in an inner concentration which no one could pierce for any length of time. His reticence led him at times to stare at a blank wall for hours.

On the other hand, Jackson displayed a number of positive qualities. He was honest to a fault, a careful businessman, neatly dressed at all times, conscientious in everything he did, and pleasant in the confines of small, private gatherings. VMI cadets came to see good qualities in him both as a teacher and as a leader. The ridicule of freshmen evolved to respect by seniors.

Jackson10Within three months after arriving in Lexington, Jackson found his religious home. He joined the Presbyterian faith and rapidly became one of the most devout Calvinists of his day. Jackson attended every service at the Lexington Presbyterian Church. (To the amusement of the congregation, he slept through every service. Yet he would sit bolt upright, his back never touching the pew. This was self-induced pain he inflicted for the sin of not being able to stay awake.)

Jackson’s major contributions to the Lexington church was threefold. He organized a young men’s Sunday school class that still exists; he established a Sunday afternoon Bible class for slaves of all ages in the area; and he was appointed one of three deacons in the church.

So faithfully did Jackson honor the Sabbath that he would not read or talk of secular matters on the Lord’s Day. Jackson found solace in prayer, which he offered throughout his waking hours, and strength in faith, because he knew that God was always there as a friend and helper.

His favorite scripture was Romans 8:28: “And we know that all things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are the called according to his purpose.” His favorite hymn was “Amazing Grace,” but he could not explain why. He was completely tone-deaf. Most of all, Jackson bore his faith as if it were the sole staff of life. “Never have I known a holier man,” his best friend remarked. “Never have I seen a human being as thoroughly governed by duty. He lived only to please God; his daily life was a daily offering up of himself.”

In 1853, at age twenty-nine, Jackson fell in love for the first time in his life. Elinor Junkin was the daughter of a Presbyterian clergyman. Their marriage was joyful, faithful, and tragically short. Elinor died in childbirth fourteen months after the marriage. The son she was bearing also perished. Only Jackson’s faith sustained him in the tragedy. That same faith led quickly to a second tragedy.

Jackson and “Ellie’s” favorite sister Margaret gravitated to one another in their common grief. They came to enjoy one another’s company with growing ardor. Friendship ripened into love. however, by the tenets of the Presbyterian Church of that era, a person’s in-laws were his family. His sister-in-law, “Maggie,” thus in the eyes of the Church was his sister. Marriage was impossible. Once again Jackson endured pangs of sorrow and emptiness.

Jackson14Within a year, he found a second wife. Anna Morrison also was a Presbyterian minister’s daughter. She and Jackson had known each other casually for several years. The VMI professor waged a courtship with all the fervor of a military operation. Thomas and Anna married in July 1857. This second marriage lasted for the remainder of Jackson’s life. To Anna he opened his heart in complete trust and gentle tenderness. However, their first child, a daughter, died shortly after birth.

The Jackson’s had just settled into the only home he ever owned when, in the autumn of 1859, rumblings of disunion came closer and grew louder. Abolitionist John Brown led a bloody raid on the arsenal at Harper’s Ferry, Virginia. A Marine detachment from Washington quickly crushed the uprising. In December, Jackson led part of the VMI corps of cadets to Charles Town to serve as a gallows guard for the public hanging of Brown.

Basically apolitical in nature, Jackson watched the growing national crisis from two perspectives. He considered the United States as established by the Constitution of 1787 to be a gift of God; conversely, any attempts to change the nature or language of that union Jackson regarded as heresy. Second, Virginia was his birthright. A federal government in Washington, D.C., took care of “housekeeping chores” such as delivering the mail. It had no business interfering with the affairs of the Old Dominion, which had existed for 180 years before a nation came into being.

The increasing unrest worried Jackson. In January 1860, he wrote to an aunt, “I think we have great reason for alarm, but my trust is in God; and I cannot think that he will permit the madness of men to interfere so materially with the Christian labors of this country.”

Jackson believed in the right of secession but not in its practice to adjust national wrongs. Yet when Virginia left the Union, he promptly did the same. On 20 April 1861, he departed Lexington with a contingent of cadets who were to serve as drillmasters for the thousands of recruits flocking to Richmond. Jackson would never see his adopted hometown again. It had been fourteen years since he had last experienced combat. Yet Jackson swept into war with a cool professionalism that reflected devotion to duty and confidence in himself.

Jackson13None of that was obvious in his appearance. For the first year of the war, he wore the threadbare blue coat of a VMI faculty member, a battered kepi cap that seemed to rest on the bridge of his nose, and enormous boots that reached above his knees. While he never made mention in the war of his dyspeptic condition, weak eyesight and a hearing impairment (the result of an attack of neuralgia) were ever-present.

Faith molded Jackson the soldier. He viewed the Civil War as a test of allegiance to God. For reasons man could not know, the Almighty had ordained that America undergo a trial by fire. The war, for the faithful, was a religious crusade, because God would surely bless the side that most obeyed His word.

Jackson viewed Christian faith and the Confederate cause as one and the same. While some generals aspired to be another Napoleon or Frederick the Great, Jackson’s inspirations were Joshua, Gideon, and David. To be worthy of New Testament love, Jackson believed, he must fight with Old Testament fury.

It took awhile for Jackson to put that faith into practice. After reaching Richmond in late April 1861, he received an appointment as colonel of infantry. His first assignment was to take command of gaudily dressed militia and inexperienced recruits gathering at Harper’s Ferry. The new post commander wasted no time in putting Harper’s Ferry into good military trim. Units accustomed to occasional parades underwent hours of daily drill; incompetent officers were sent home; all liquor in the town was poured into the streets; furloughs were nonexistent; men lived by a schedule; their camps were orderly and clean. Those who made honest mistakes were taught the correct way of doing things. Those who violated the rules knowingly received harsh punishment. Jackson expected his soldiers to share his rigid devotion to duty. He neither took leave nor granted it. (Throughout his Civil War career, he never spent a night away from army duty.)

An officer who returned to Harper’s Ferry a short time after Jackson took command exclaimed, “What a revolution three or four days had wrought! I could scarcely realize the change.”

The colonel ensured that Harper’s Ferry was properly fortified. With an artilleryman’s eye, Jackson saw at once that the key to defending Harper’s Ferry (and the Shenandoah Valley) was to place cannon atop commanding South Mountain across the Potomac River. Unfortunately, South Mountain was in Maryland, a neutral state. Jackson thought expediency more valuable than politics. The guns went into position. His action in violating neutrality for the sake of security was a factor in President Jefferson Davis’s dispatching General Joseph E. Johnston to replace Jackson as post commandant.

On 3 July 1861, Jackson received appointment as a brigadier general. His command was the 1st Virginia Brigade, five regiments raised in the Shenandoah Valley region. The unit’s first duty was in destroying sections of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad. Jackson did a thorough job; yet, he wrote his wife, “If the cost of the property could only have been expended in disseminating the gospel of the Prince of Peace.”

jackson15The new general and his troops acquired the most famous nickname in American military history in the Civil War’s first major battle. On 21 July 1861 on high ground overlooking Bull Run near Manassas Junction, Union and Confederate forces waged an all-day fight. Jackson carefully placed his regiments behind the brow of the highest eminence and waited. Soon, shattered Confederate forces retired to the base of the hill, with Federals in close pursuit confederate general Barnard Bee attempted to rally his broken units by pointing to the hilltop and shouting, “Look, men! There stands Jackson like a stone wall! Rally behind the Virginians!”

Jackson stood firm a while longer, then launched an attack as Federals advanced up Henry House Hill. A late-afternoon counterattack by fresh Southern troops sent Union soldiers staggering from the field. Jackson urged a pursuit of the Federals into Washington itself. yet authorities were content with the day’s success. The South had gained a stunning triumph and found a hero as well.

While many generals welcomed national attention, Jackson was uncomfortable in the spotlight. He did not particularly like the name “Stonewall.” It certainly proved to be a misnomer, for more often he would be the hammer rather than the anvil.

In the weeks that followed, the North mobilized for full-scale war while the South languished in a victor’s light. Jackson’s brigade lay quietly in encampment near Centreville until early November, when Jackson was promoted to major general and given command of the Shenandoah Valley district. The general established his headquarters at Winchester, collected a small force and, on 1 January 1862, began an expedition to clear Federals from river and railroad installations to the west.

Jackson9This Romney campaign bordered on a disaster. Sleet, snow, and strong winds turned the march into a nightmare. Jackson ignored the weather and pushed forward. The farther he marched, the angrier he became at the heathen in his front. He railed against “the conduct of the reprobate Federal commanders who…have not only burned valuable mill property, but also many private houses… The number of dead animals lying along the roadside, where they had been shot by the enemy, exemplified the spirit of that part of the Northern army.”

The Confederates occupied the town of Romney and removed all Federal menaces from the area. A satisfied Jackson left General William Loring’s troops to occupy Romney and returned to Winchester with the rest of his command.

Loring immediately began complaining of isolation and hardships. The complains went directly to the War Department in Richmond. Secretary of War Judah Benjamin conferred with President Davis, then ordered Jackson to recall Loring’s men to Winchester. Jackson did so at once – and submitted his resignation from the army because of what he regarded as unwarranted interference with his authority. A storm of public outcry followed. Virginia governor John Letcher and other friends persuaded Jackson to remain in command. Loring was transferred elsewhere, and that was the last time Confederate authorities interfered with Jackson’s responsibilities.

This incident revealed much of Jackson the general. He was a man of unbending determination and self-confidence. The principal object of his life, he maintained, was the discharge of duty. While his men came to look on him with wonder and to refer to him affectionately as “Old Jack,” the general’s relations with his immediate subordinates was often stormy. He expected blind obedience because he gave it himself. He kept division and brigade commanders uninformed of movements because he viewed secrecy as one of the most valuable of military weapons. If friends did not know where he was going, Jackson once commented, enemies surely would not know either.

Such a policy left subordinates in the dark and created friction. Jackson ignored the unrest. He wanted his forces to be “an army of the living God,” he told his wife. Fighting for the Almighty, Jackson cared little about wounding the pride of his officers.

Jackson’s greatest achievement may have been the 1862 Shenandoah Valley campaign. His responsibilities were twofold: to block any Union advance southward up the Shenandoah and to prevent Federal forces in that area from joining General George B. McClellan’s massive army then advancing slowly up the peninsula toward Richmond. The War Department had only to suggest an offensive. Jackson took it. One of the Confederacy’s better generals later declared that Jackson “suddenly broke loose…& not only astonished the weak minds of the enemy almost into paralysis, but dazzled the eyes of military men all over the world by an aggressive campaign which I believe to be unsurpassed in all military history for brilliancy & daring.”

On 23 March, at Kernstown just south of Winchester, Jackson attacked a Federal force preparing to depart the valley. Union brigades repelled the Confederate assaults, yet Jackson’s sudden activity caused Washington authorities to become uncertain of the situation in the Shenandoah.

Three Federal armies totaling 64,000 men were soon moving against Jackson from north, west, and east. With never more than 17,000 troops, Jackson unhesitatingly went after each. His principal weapons were secrecy, knowledge of the valley’s terrain, hard marches, and an uncanny ability to deliver heavy attacks at unexpected points, singleness of purpose with each thrust, and an abiding trust that God’s will was behind his efforts.

Jackson6Late in April, Jackson momentarily disappeared from Federal view. he reappeared on 8 May by blocking Union general John C. Fremont’s advance at McDowell, west of the vital railroad town of Staunton. Jackson disappeared again. His “foot cavalry” (as the infantrymen proudly dubbed themselves) marched rapidly down the valley and, on 23 May, overpowered the Union garrison at Front Royal. The main Union army, under General Nathaniel P. Banks, desperately retired to Winchester. There, on 25 May, Jackson’s onslaught drove the enemy not only from Winchester but all the way across the Potomac River.

Officials in Washington hastily diverted troops toward the valley, motivated partly by apprehension for the Northern capital and partly by the desire to use converging columns to trap Jackson between Winchester and Harper’s Ferry. Union armies under Fremont and James Shields then sought to squeeze Jackson from east to west. The Confederate commander escaped the trap by an incredible march up the valley to a point east of Harrisonburg. Skillfully burning bridges to keep the two Union armies separated, Jackson patiently awaited their arrival. He struck Fremont on 8 June at Cross Keys and Shield on 9 June at Port Republic. Victories in both engagements cleared the valley of Union forces and ended the campaign.

The fruits of victory were many. Jackson had inflicted over 5,000 casualties and captured 9,000 small arms and tons of supplies, while losing only 3,100 troops (half of whom were captured). A dread of “Jackson in the rear” paralyzed thousands of Union soldiers who might have reinforced McClellan’s army at the gates of Richmond. A New York newspaper grudgingly stated, “He handles his army like a whip, making it crack in out of the way corners where you scarcely thought the lash would reach.”

Jackson5The test of a good general is morale inside the ranks. Jackson instilled high spirits among his soldiers. They viewed him as a military mastermind ordained by God to gain victory in battle. His skill implanted pride, unconquerable spirit, and elitism among the men. To be a member of “Jackson’s foot cavalry” set them a cut above all other soldiers.

In addition, Jackson’s Valley campaign demonstrated that this strange, complex, seemingly lonely Presbyterian was one of those generals who performed best when the immediate situation was entirely in his control. While Jackson did not have to be completely in charge of everything, he wanted to be in command of the immediate task he was performing. Jackson could execute any assignment as long as he had complete control within his sphere. Ultimately self-reliant, never seeking advice (nor giving it, unless requested to do so), he earned his reputation and, in the process, created his legend.

Jackson3Once asked his formula for success, Jackson looked back at his campaign in the Shenandoah and replied, “Always mystify, mislead and surprise the enemy, if possible; and when you strike and overcome him, never let up the pursuit so long as your men have the strength to follow; for an army routed, if hotly pursued, becomes panic-stricken, and can then be destroyed by half their number. The other rule is, never fight against heavy odds, if by any possible maneuvering you can hurl your own force on only a part, and that the weakest part, of your enemy and crush it. Such tactics will win every time, and a small army may thus destroy a large one in detail, and repeated victory will make it invincible.”

Jackson gave the South a much-needed hero at a critical point in the war. yet no time existed after the Valley campaign to rest on laurels. General Robert E. Lee, the new commander of the South’s principal army, had watched the valley operations with fascination and pleasure. While others saw Jackson as a strange, rough-hewn leader, Lee saw in Jackson a kindred spirit who adhered to one of his own basic axioms: namely, that the inferior side must always be daring and willing to fight when the opportunity presented itself. Lee thereupon ordered Jackson to bring his forces to the Richmond front for a major counteroffensive against the Union Army of the Potomac.

The ensuing Seven Days’ campaign was a Confederate victory that brought instant fame to Lee. Yet Jackson’s performance was at least disappointing and at most controversial. The root of the problem with Jackson was utter fatigue. He had had no rest since the end of April, almost two months previously. Unfamiliarity with the terrain, poor communication with headquarters, and misunderstandings at high command were other factors present in this first major offensive by the Army of Northern Virginia.

Jackson was a delay behind schedule at the start. Inexplicable delays marked his movements; his famed “foot cavalry” crawled across country that was low, wet, and alien. Jackson never reached the opening engagement on 26 June at Mechanicsville. he was tardy the following day at the battle of Gaines’ Mill. On 30 June, Jackson seemed to become lethargic at White Oak Swamp. he failed to attack the high ground in his front or to lend any assistance to Confederates engaged in a severe fight a few miles away at Glendale. The brilliant tactician in the valley was glaringly absent in Lee’s first campaign.

Lee made no censure of Jackson. Perhaps the army commander saw the genius inside the shy, uncommunicative, humorless officer who would become his principal lieutenant for the next eleven months. Lee learned to give Jackson plenty of latitude in movements. His confidence was well founded. After the Seven Days, Jackson won new laurels with each succeeding engagement, for, like Lee, Jackson seized the initiative, divided enemy forces, and fought to destroy rather than merely to defeat.

In mid-July, Lee dispatched Jackson’s forces to central  Virginia. A second Union army, under General John Pope, was advancing on Richmond from the northwest. Jackson struct the van of that army on 9 August at Cedar Mountain. In the fighting, Jackson personally rallied part of his command before Confederates sent beaten Federals reeling northward.

Jackson16The Jackson of the Shenandoah Valley had replaced the Jackson of the Chickahominy. He again had become the Confederate man of the hour. A Georgia lieutenant spoke for the whole army when he wrote his wife, “O my dear, I wish you could just see him. See him before or after a battle as he passes the boys. They will run two hundred yards just to see him and yell like wildcats. he invariably, when they cheer him, uncovers his head and dashes along at rapid pace glancing his proud eagle eye from side to side. Then you aught to see him riding along when we are on the march, always calm and thoughtful with neat standing collar and old gray cap drawn down on his braud forehead.”

Pope promptly drew back to regroup. That bought time for Lee to secure Richmond against the hapless McClellan and reunite with Jackson. The full Confederate Army of Northern Virginia then advanced on Pope.

Jackson executed one of the brilliant flank marches known to Southerners and feared by Northerners. His men swung around Pope’s army, marched fifty-six miles in two days, and captured the main Federal supply depot miles in the rear of the Union forces. An angry Pope wheeled and came after Jackson. Fighting exploded on 28 August near the old Manassas battlefield. Combat continued for the next two days, at which point Lee’s half of the army assailed Pope’s undefended flank and sent another Union force on the road of defeat to Washington.

Lee then carried the war to the North with an invasion of Maryland. Jackson’s brigades overwhelmed the Union garrison at Harper’s Ferry in the largest capture of American soldiers until Corregidor in World War II. At Antietam on 17 September, the two opposing armies fought the bloodiest one-day battle in American annals. Jackson’s thin ranks manned Lee’s left and withstood heavy Union attacks throughout the morning. This defense reaffirmed Jackson’s nickname “Stonewall.” Lee held of McClellan skillfully but was forced to retire to Virginia for lack of resources.

Jackson2Army reorganization came in the autumn, and with it a final promotion for Jackson. Lee wished to divided the Army of Northern Virginia into two corps. Each commander would hold the rank of lieutenant general. James Longstreet, the senior division commander, was a natural choice for one of the slots. Jackson was Lee’s most dependable general and the logical second recommendation. “I have only to intimate to him what I wish done,” Lee said, “and he promptly obeys my wishes.” Lee stated to President Davis, “He is true, honest, and brave; has a single eye to the good of the service and spares no exertion to accomplish his object.” The appointments were duly made.

Lee, with Longstreet’s half of the army, took a defensive position around Fredericksburg Jackson’s corps was left to guard the Shenandoah Valley

“Old Jack” spent the next weeks polishing his corps, reshuffling officers replenishing supplies and personally ensuring that religious services, Bibles, and tracts were available in all encampments A widening disagreement with General A.P. Hill who led the largest division under Jackson, overshadowed much of this period. However, Jackson’s spirits received an exhilarating boost with the news late in November that his wife had given birth to a daughter. Both mother and child were healthy. an uncharacteristic impatience then consumed Jackson. He longed to see his wife and to give love to a child of his own.

Before that could happen, the Army of the Potomac made another move toward Richmond. Lee and Jackson were waiting on high ground at Fredericksburg. The 13 December battle was Lee’s easiest victory.

By then, the aura and legend of Jackson were firmly established. He was the army’s aggressive general – the leader with an unquenchable fire for battle – the principal lieutenant who gained victory with unbroken regularity. His piety had become infectious enough to convince the soldiers that their cause was truly righteous. Everyone in the army talked about the time a mother hesitantly walked up to the mounted general and asked him to bless her 18-month old son. Jackson cuddled the baby in his arms and, while soldiers stood in silence with hats removed, put his face against the child’s and silently prayed.

That Jackson was also shy, private, almost reclusive, inserted a certain mysteriousness that only added to his image of invincibility.

Jackson4Even his small, plain horse, “Little Sorrel,” became part of the apparition. A staff officer observed that Jackson’s “old sorrel is not more martial in appearance than his master, and the men say it takes a half dozen bomb shells to wake either of them up to their full capacity, but when once aroused there is no stopping either of them until the enemy has retreated.”

Four months of winter inactivity followed the battle of Fredericksburg. Jackson used much of the period seeking to enkindle a deeper religious spirit among his men and in overseeing the preparation of his official battle reports. His formal summations are easily recognizable by their references to “the blessings of Almighty God” and “an all-wise Providence.” Jackson took no credit for victory. “Unto His holy name be the praise,” he insisted. He considered himself but God’s instrument in a crusade to purify America. That is why, at the height of one of his greatest military successes, Jackson turned to an aide and exclaimed joyfully: “He who does not see the hand of God in this is blind, sir, blind!”

Lee and Jackson confer

Lee and Jackson confer

In late April 1863, Anna Jackson visited Jackson with their five-month-old child. Jackson was never happier than during those few days. The visit ended abruptly with news that the Union army again was on the offensive. Lee dispatched Jackson ten miles westward into the wooded jungle of the Wilderness. Jackson blunted the Federal advance near a crossroads known as Chancellorsville. Lee arrived on the scene, the two generals conferred, and Jackson embarked quickly on another flanking movement. This time he led 28,000 men on a twelve-mile march around the unprotected right flank of the Federal army.

Late in the afternoon of 2 May, Jackson struck. Once Federal corps all but fell apart in the face of Jackson’s onslaught; the Union line bent at ninety degrees as Jackson’s men drove the Federals for almost two miles. Darkness, weariness, and the confusion of the Wilderness stopped the advance.

jackson_shotJackson was not content with what had been accomplished. He saw this moment as possibly the war’s climax. A night attack would surely rout the enemy and might bring the war to an end. Toward that end, Jackson rode from his lines and made a personal reconnaissance of the Union position. He was returning through the woods to his lines when one of his brigades mistook the general and his staff for Union cavalry. Confederates delivered a point-blank volley into the horsemen.

Three bullets struck Jackson. While two made flesh wounds, the third shattered the bone in his left arm below the shoulder.

Jackson12Amputation of the limb followed five hours alter at a field hospital. For safety reasons, Lee ordered Jackson removed to the railhead at Guiney Station. The wounded commander endured the bumpy, 27-mile wagon ride without complaint. Yet pneumonia rapidly developed. Jackson had always expressed the hope that he might be blessed to die on the Sabbath. Around 3:15 P.M. on Sunday, 10 May, he emerged from a terminal coma long enough to say: “Let us cross over the river and rest under the shade of the trees.”

The gifts of a supreme military leader were united in Jackson: imagination, speed, boldness, determination. To start before dawn, to march hour after hour, to pray long and hard, to fight with the relentless fury of a crusader, to look after his soldiers with the protective air of a stern father – these were part of Jackson’s makeup. He was harsh, because he hated weakness. He demanded so much of his men because he demanded so much of himself. He could insist on the impossible, for he was confident that with aggressive leadership and God’s blessing, the impossible could be accomplished.

Jackson8A military genius fighting for the Lord must die to be defeated. Jackson’s death was the greatest personal loss suffered by the Confederate States. An estimated 25,000 people filed by his coffin in the rotunda of the Virginia State Capitol. Many Federal commanders refused for weeks to believe that Jackson was dead and not making another secret flanking movement. In contrast, the idea dawned on more than one Southerner that with Jackson’s passing, God was preparing the Confederacy for defeat.

Today the general is buried beneath his statue, which is the centerpiece of the Stonewall Jackson Cemetery at Lexington, Virginia.

- James I. Robertson, Jr.

[Source: Heidler, David S. and Jeanne T. Heidler. Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social and Military History. W.W. Norton & Co. 2002. pp. 1058-1065]

For further reading:

Farwell, Byron.  Stonewall: A Biography of General Thomas J. Jackson (1993)

Robertson, James. Stonewall Jackson. (1997)

Robertson, James. Stonewall Jackson’s Book of Maxims. (2005)

Henderson, G.F.R. Stonewall Jackson and the American Civil War. (1988)

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This Week in the American Civil War: May 6-12, 1863

MN150Logo_OL_FNLInformation courtesy of the

Minnesota Civil War Commemoration Task Force

(www.mncivilwar150.com and “Minnesota Civil War 150” on Facebook)

 

Major Highlights for the Week

Wednesday May 6, 1863

Confederate General Robert E. Lee’s victorious army cautiously advanced in the Wilderness in Virginia, only to find that Major General Joseph Hooker’s Army of the Potomac had withdrawn during the night before and early in the morning. Hooker informed Washington of his movements and President Abraham Lincoln gained further knowledge by reading Richmond newspapers. Late in the afternoon, President Lincoln and Major General Henry W. Halleck met left to meet with Hooker.

On the Confederate side, Major General Ambrose Powell Hill was assigned to command the Second Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia, replacing the fatally wounded Lieutenant General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson, who was trying to recover at a small house at Guiney’s Station.

Thursday May 7, 1863

The two worried presidents, Lincoln and Davis, spent the day trying to strengthen their military positions. President Abraham Lincoln and Major General Henry W. Halleck, after meeting with the Army of the Potomac commander, Major General Joseph Hooker, returned to Washington in the evening.

On the Mississippi River, Major General Ulysses Grant, joined by Major General William T. Sherman’s corps from Milliken’s Bend, began to move from the Grand Gulf area towards Jackson, Mississippi and the railroad between Vicksburg and Jackson. Grant began to depend less on his supply lines and live off the country, although he did carry some necessities with him.

At the village of Spring Hill, Tennessee, Confederate Major General Earl Van Dorn was assassinated by Dr. James Brodie Peters. Van Dorn was writing at his desk when Peters entered and shot him in the back of the head, killing the general instantly. Peters was later arrested by Confederate authorities, but he was never brought to trial for the killing.

Friday May 8, 1863

Militarily speaking, the only skirmish of note occurred near Grove Church, Virginia. President Abraham Lincoln issued a proclamation that being an alien would not exempt anybody from military service if he had declared his intention to become a citizen. Records are replete with names of those who claimed to be aliens in order to escape the draft. 

Saturday May 9, 1863

Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston was ordered to take command of the Confederate troops in imperiled Mississippi. Federal Major General Ulysses Grant’s advancing army fought skirmishes on this day near Utica, Mississippi. Other skirmishes occurred near Big Sandy Creek, Mississippi, and at Bayou Tensas near Lake Providence, Louisiana.

Sunday May 10, 1863

DEATH OF STONEWALL JACKSON

In a small house near Guiney’s Station, Virginia, south of Fredericksburg, Confederate Lieutenant General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson, died. Pneumonia had set in after the amputation of his arm. General Robert E. Lee, sorely grieved, did not know how to replace him. Flags dipped in mourning throughout the South and solemn honor guards escorted the body to Lexington, Virginia. The South lost one of its greatest captains and in return, gained a timeless legend.

Monday May 11, 1863

President Abraham Lincoln’s Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase, again created a problem for the president. In an argument over an appointment, Chase tendered his resignation again. Lincoln turned it down, but, coming as it did after the Cabinet crisis the previous December, it foretold more trouble in the official family.

Tuesday May 12, 1863

Federal Major General Ulysses Grant had been moving steadily northeastward towards a position between Jackson and Vicksburg, Mississippi, had a division at the village of Raymond, about fifteen miles from the state capitol. Here this division under Major General John A. Logan was struck by a Confederate brigade under Brigadier General John Gregg. An engagement lasted for several hours, until the outnumbered Confederates were driven back towards Jackson. Each side suffered about 500 casualties.

Where Minnesota Regiments were the week of May 6-12, 1863 

1st Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Bivouacked near Banks Ford, Virginia until June 1863.

2nd Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Chapel Hill, Tennessee until June 4, 1863.

3rd Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Fort Heiman, Kentucky until June 2, 1863.

4th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Participated in the Battles of Raymond, Mississippi, in support of Grant’s Vicksburg Campaign.

5th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Movement to join army in rear of Vicksburg via Richmond and Grand Gulf.

6th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Camp Pope near Iowa City, Iowa until June 16, 1863.

7th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On garrison duty in Mankato and other points in Minnesota until June 1863.

8th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On frontier duty at various points in Minnesota: Anoka, Princeton, Monticello, Kingston, Manannah, Paynesville, Fort Ripley, Sauk Center, Pomme de Terre, Alexandria and Fort Abercrombie until May 1864.

9th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On garrison duty in various frontier Minnesota communities until June 1863.

10th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Regiment on detached service for garrison duty at various outposts in frontier Minnesota until June 1863.

1st Regiment Minnesota Cavalry “Mounted Rangers” – Organized at St. Cloud, St. Peter and Fort Snelling for frontier duty against Indians until June 1863.

Brackett’s Battalion of Minnesota Cavalry – On duty at Fort Donelson, Tennessee until June 5, 1863.

1st Minnesota Light Artillery Battery – On duty during siege of Vicksburg, Mississippi, until July 4, 1863.

2nd Independent Battery, Minnesota Light Artillery – On duty at Murfreesboro Tennessee until June 4, 1863.

3rd Battery, Minnesota Light Artillery – Organized at Fort Snelling, Minnesota from the enlisted men of the 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry Regiments.

2nd United States Sharpshooters, Company A – Bivouacked near Falmouth, Virginia until June 1863.

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A photo taken 150 years ago of a runaway slave changed the way Americans saw the Civil War

It isn’t possible to tell the story of the Civil War without recourse to the million photographic images that were created, some of the best of which are part of a new museum exhibition.

by Ted Widmer

Article originally appeared on the New York Times opinionator blog on 2 May 2013.

Ted Widmer is assistant to the president for special projects at Brown University. He edited, with Clay Risen and George Kalogerakis, a forthcoming volume of selections from the Disunion series, to be published.

Roughly 150 years ago, in March or April 1863, a shocking photograph was taken in Louisiana. Unlike most photos, it was given a title, “The Scourged Back,” as if it were a painting hanging in an art museum. Indeed, it fit inside a recognizable painter’s category — the nude — but this was a nude from hell. The sitter, an African-American male named Gordon, had been whipped so many times that a mountainous ridge of scar tissue was climbing out of his back. It was detailed, like a military map, and resulted from so many whippings that the scars had to form on top of one another. Gordon had escaped from a nearby Mississippi plantation to a camp of federal soldiers, supporting the great Vicksburg campaign of the spring. Medical officers examined him, and after seeing his back, asked a local photography firm, McPherson and Oliver, to document the scar tissue.

berger_rihajournal_0010_html_16a7bf97The image made its way back to New England, where it was converted by an artist into a wood engraving, a backwards technological step that allowed it to be published in the newspapers. On July 4, 1863, the same day that Vicksburg fell, “The Scourged Back” appeared in a special Independence Day issue of Harper’s Weekly. All of America could see those scars, and feel that military and moral progress were one. The Civil War, in no way a war to exterminate slavery in 1861, was increasingly just that in 1863. “The Scourged Back” may have been propaganda, but as a photograph, which drew as much from science as from art, it presented irrefutable evidence of the horror of slavery. Because those scars had been photographed, they were real, in a way that no drawing could be.

The original photograph of “The Scourged Back” is one of hundreds on display in a new exhibit that opened on April 2 at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, entitled “Photography and the American Civil War.” Curated by Jeff L. Rosenheim, the show offers a stunning retrospective, proving how inextricably linked the war and the new medium were.

It was not possible then, nor is it now, to tell the story of the conflict without recourse to the roughly one million images that were created in darkrooms around America. All historians are indebted to the resourceful Americans who left this priceless record to later generations. The war was captured, nearly instantaneously, by photographers as brave as the soldiers going into battle. Indeed, the photographers were going into battle; they pitched their tents alongside those of the armies, they heard the whistle of bullets, and they recorded the battle scenes, including the dead, as soon as the armies left the field.

Soldiers were themselves photographers; and photographs could be found in every place touched by the war; in the pockets of those who fought and fell, and above the hearths of the families that waited desperately for their return. Cameras caught nearly all of it, including the changes wrought on non-combatants — the Americans who seemed to age prematurely during those four years (none more so than the Commander in Chief), the families that survived, despite losing a member; the bodies that survived, despite losing a limb. The very land seemed to age, as armies passed like locusts through Southern valleys, devouring forests and livestock.

The Civil War was not the first war photographed; a tiny number of photographs were taken of the Mexican War, and a larger number of the Crimean War. But the medium had evolved a great deal across the 1850s, and America’s leading photographers sprang into action when the attack on Fort Sumter came in 1861. Many, like Mathew Brady, threw all of their resources at the gigantic task of capturing the war. On Aug. 30, 1862, the Times of London commented, “America swarms with the members of the mighty tribe of cameristas, and the civil war has developed their business in the same way that it has given an impetus to the manufacturers of metallic air-tight coffins and embalmers of the dead.”

There are so many cameristas in the Met’s show. The Southern perspective is well represented, in the faces of young Confederates brandishing knives menacingly, and in numerous landscape photographs that convey a haunting beauty, deepened by our knowledge that horrific violence is about to happen in these Edenic vales. For generations, American intellectuals had lamented that the United States had no picturesque ruins as Europe did; suddenly, there were ruins everywhere one cared to look. Photographs of Richmond and Charleston from the war’s end retain the power to shock. For their utter desolation; this could be Carthage or Tyre, a thousand years after their glory.

But of course, this was still the United States of America, a very busy country to begin with, accelerated by the incessant demands of the war. One gets a sense of that urgency from the show — trains chugging in the background, people moving so quickly that they become blurs, and a huge array of participants crowding into the picture — contraband former slaves who have fled to Northern lines but are not yet free; old men and children trying to get a taste of the action; regiments in training, looking very young in 1861, and spectral four years later. Some turned into seasoned veterans, some became ghastly prisoners of war, barely able to sit for a photograph; and of course many didn’t come back at all. Fortunately, they still existed in these images. To this day, some people feel the old superstition that a photograph robs the soul of its vitality. But during the war, it had an opposite, life-giving effect. With just a few dabs of silver, iodine and albumen (from egg whites), these dabblers in the dark arts could confer a form of immortality.

The camera’s unblinking eye also turns to the medical aspect of the war; the amputations and bullet wounds and gangrenous injuries that overwhelmed the doctors who also followed the battles. An entire room forces the viewer to confront this unavoidable result of the war; it offers a healthy antidote to our tendency to romanticize the conflict. But the show contains beauty and trauma in equal measure. There is considerable artistry in many of the photographs, especially the landscapes, delicate compositions in black and white that reveal that the medium was becoming something more than just a documentary record. Some rooms seem like parlors, Victorian spaces where we behold the elaborate efforts Americans made to turn photographs into something more decorative than they were. They become objects of furniture, and albums, and stylized wall hangings, sometimes with paint added to the photograph — flashes of color enliven a Zouave or two. Many of the photos in the show remain in their original casings, elaborate brass and velvet contraptions designed to protect the photograph, and perhaps the viewer as well, from losing too much innocence.

If photography was essential to recording the war, it was no less essential in remembering it. Generations of historians have depended on the photographers to revivify the conflict, from Brady, who published his photos long after the fact, to Ken Burns, whose nine-part documentary on the Civil War was utterly dependent on the old photographs. The Disunion series has benefited from them as well.

Reflecting on the enormity of the Civil War, and the problem of how to remember it accurately, Walt Whitman thought the photographers came as close as possible. Like him, they had been in the thick of it. In their uncompromising realism, they offered “the best history — history from which there could be no appeal.”

Photographs can still testify, as “The Scourged Back” did in the spring of 1863. A recent New York Times piece described photographs of violence, taken in 1992 in Bosnia, that are still furnishing evidence to the war crimes tribunal of The Hague.

For as long as wars are fought, we will need photographs to understand how and why we are fighting, and to reflect on the meaning of war, long after the fact. These evanescent objects, composed of such delicate chemicals, bear enduring witness.

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On This Date in Civil War History: May 1-3, 1863 – The Battle of Chancellorsville

chancellorsville1A brick tavern and family residence at the intersection of the Orange Turnpike and Orange Plank Road, Chancellorsville lent its name to one of the most important battles of the Civil War. Situated at the strategic intersection of five roads in the heavily wooded region north of Fredericksburg, Virginia, Chancellorsville evolved as one of Robert E. Lee and Lieutenant General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson’s greatest triumphs.

Since assuming command of the Army of the Potomac in January 1863, Union Major General Joseph “Fighting Joe” Hooker focused his efforts on rebuilding his army after the previous December’s debacle at Fredericksburg. His army of 130,000 shouldered the finest weapons, wore the best uniforms, and ate the highest quality rations the United States could supply. His army included over 11,000 cavalry in a newly organized corps and 496 modern, rifled artillery pieces. With new equipment and daily drilling, Hooker considered the Army of the Potomac the finest army in the world. He also created an efficient intelligence service and integrated a tactical cover and deception operation into his plans to dislodge Lee from the trenches at Fredericksburg.

Through an adroit use of spies, line crossers, Confederate deserters, Union sympathizers, and intercepted Confederate semaphore messages, Hooker learned of the Confederate weakness around Fredericksburg. He received numerous reports of how thin Lee’s line was along the Rappahannock River. Frequent updates from the Confederate side of the river allowed Hooker to formulate a plan that initially deceived Lee and allowed the Union general to steal a march around the Confederate left flank. Hooker, unlike most Union generals in similar circumstances, also possessed a remarkably accurate estimate of Confederate troop strength before undertaking the campaign.

Across the Rappahannock, spread along the river’s edge for almost twenty-five miles, Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia numbered about 60,000 effectives. Just off of a hard winter, Lee’s men resembled scarecrows more than soldiers. Tattered remnants of uniforms covered their malnourished frames and many lacked adequate footgear. They subsisted on a few ounces of cornmeal and bacon a day, the bacon rancid as often as not.

The gaunt Confederate horses and mules suffered from lack of fodder as well. A single rail line ran to the rear of the Confederate line at Fredericksburg and proved insufficient to supply Lee’s army. As a result he sent over 400 artillery horses to winter pasture farther south. Due to supply shortages and to counter a Federal threat to southeast Virginia, Lee had dispatched Lieutenant General James Longstreet’s corps to Suffolk, Virginia, thus depriving himself of his largest corps.

chancellorsville3Hooker’s well-conceived strategy consisted of three major maneuvers. First, he would send his cavalry, commanded by Major General George Stoneman, far upriver with the double mission of drawing Lee’s cavalry screen away from the Confederate left flank and then raiding deep into Virginia to disrupt Lee’s supply line from Richmond. Second, he directed Major General John Sedgwick, with I and VI Corps, to deploy across from Fredericksburg and by strong demonstrations to divert Lee’s attention from the main Union attack. If Lee weakened his line, Sedgwick was to cross the Rappahannock below Fredericksburg to become the left wing of a double envelopment, crushing Lee’s retreating army. Major General Daniel Sickles’s III Corps would remain on Stafford Heights across from Fredericksburg to command the city with its long-range artillery. Third, Hooker planned to march upriver with Major Generals George G. Meade’s V, Oliver O. Howard’s XI, and Henry W. Slocum’s XII Corps. This force would rapidly cross the Rappahannock and crash down on Lee’s unprotected left flank. Hooker believed that whether Lee chose to remain and fight or retreat toward Richmond, Hooker could destroy the Army of Northern Virginia with his superior force.

During mid-April Hooker set his plan in motion. He directed both cavalry and infantry demonstrations at all the major crossing sites in the vicinity of Fredericksburg. Lee believed that Hooker’s main thrust would come from the north. Yet with all the Union activity, he could not afford to redeploy his troops until he was sure of the main point of attack. Hooker had further convoluted the situation with false messages indicating Stoneman’s ultimate objective was the Shenandoah Valley. in all, his deceptions allowed Hooker to steal a march on Lee, something seldom, if ever, accomplished by Union generals. In fact, Hooker’s turning movement on Lee is arguably the greatest intelligence coup of the Civil War.

On 28 April Stoneman’s cavalry, hampered by inclement weather and muddy roads, finally initiated the campaign by crossing the Rappahannock and riding behind Lee’s lines. Hooker’s plan, however, began to unravel when Major General J.E.B. Stuart countered Stoneman’s raid with a small detachment of Confederate cavalry. Discerning that Stoneman’s purported thrust toward the valley was a ruse, Stuart rapidly realigned his horsemen along the river to screen Lee’s left flank. Stoneman’s harried command would ride through the Virginia woods for a week without accomplishing either the diversion of Confederate cavalry or the disruption of Lee’s railroad to the south.

On 29 April, Hooker pushed through Stuart’s cavalry screen at Kelly’s Ford north of Fredericksburg and then moved across the Rapidan River at Germanna and Ely’s Fords. While Hooker’s troops fought their way through Stuart’s small but slashing cavalry attacks and the almost impenetrable wilderness around Chancellorsville, Sedgwick threw two pontoon bridges across the Rappahannock River in front of Jackson’s positions south of Fredericksburg. Both Lee and Jackson wanted to destroy one of the Union wings, but they disagreed about which one to attack. Lee decided to wait for the situation to develop further before committing himself to a pitched battle. He did, nonetheless, order Major General Richard Anderson to move his division toward Chancellorsville to confront any Yankee advance toward Fredericksburg.

On 30 April, when Hooker unaccountably halted his advance and consolidated his position, he lost the initiative and allowed Lee time to maneuver against him. In part, Hooker’s hesitation and his fading confidence resulted from his advance elements meeting stronger resistance than he had expected. Actually, he could have easily broken the thin Confederate line and advanced on both the Orange Turnpike and Plank Road. Historians still debate whether Hooker was drunk during the campaign. Known for his high consumption of alcohol, Hooker supposedly swore off liquor for the campaign, but some contemporary evidence indicated that he returned to the bottle for liquid courage when confronted by the determined Confederates.

When Stuart’s patrols and prisoners confirmed the large Federal force advancing from the north, Lee realized that the main attack was at Chancellorsville and Sedgwick’s river crossing was only a diversion. Lee immediately ordered Major General Jubal Early, with less than 10,000 effectives, to defend Fredericksburg from the trenches along Marye’s Heights. Lee would shift most of his army to meet Hooker’s advance. from Early’s left, Lee immediately sent two brigades from Major General Lafayette McLaws’s division to support Anderson near Zion Church Ridge east of Chancellorsville. Lee then directed Jackson to withdraw his men from their defensive line and move toward Chancellorsville. He also ordered Stuart to ascertain the size and locations of the Union force struggling through the underbrush around Chancellorsville.

Lee and Jackson confer

Lee and Jackson confer

Early on the morning of 1 May, Jackson donned a new uniform and led his corps to engage the Yankees east of Chancellorsville. When he arrived at the Confederate lines about 8 A.M., he promptly organized an attack with its axis of advance westward along both the Orange Turnpike and Plank Road. About 11:30 A.M. the Confederate skirmishers encountered the Union advance guard plodding east on the same roads. Without adequate cavalry support, the surprised Federal brigades grudgingly gave way to the advancing Rebel infantrymen. Lee soon arrived on the battlefield and assumed command from Jackson.

Utilizing an unfinished railroad bed graded through the thickets, Lee’s infantry turned the Union right and forced Hooker to bend his southern flank almost 90 degrees to meet the threat. By sundown, stiffening Federal resistance halted Lee’s advance through the darkening woods. Even though Sickles’s and Darius Couch’s corps had crossed the Rappahannock to reinforce him, Hooker unaccountably – and against his corps commanders’ advice – ordered his men to return to their positions of the previous night.

Seeking an opening for a morning attack, lee dispatched several of his staff officers to evaluate the Federal line, while he and Jackson sat at a campfire awaiting a report from Stuart. Upon their return, members of Lee’s staff adjudged the Union defenses too formidable for a frontal assault. Stuart and a local Confederate sympathizer, Charles C. Welford, on the other hand, arrived with much more decisive intelligence. Fitzhugh Lee’s cavalry had discovered Hooker’s unprotected right flank dangling in the wilderness, and Welford offered to lead the Confederates around Catherine’s Furnace and westward along little-known forest trails to exploit the situation. Lee had discovered Hooker’s weakness.

With this information Jackson, with Lee’s concurrence, formulated a plan that ignored most of the basic principles of war. His audacious plan called for Lee to hold Hooker in place with only 15,000 troops, while Jackson looped to the west with approximately 30,000 soldiers to attack the unprotected Union flank.

chancellorsville mapAt 4 A.M. on 2 May, Lee held a final conference with Jackson and then ordered the day’s operations to commence. Jackson led the division of Robert Rodes, R.E. Colston, A.P. Hill, J.J. Archer, E.L. Thomas, and finally his artillery on a twelve-mile circuitous march through the heat of the day. To cover Jackson’s movements, Lee committed both Anderson’s and McLaw’s divisions in lines of skirmishers to make Hooker think it was a major assault. When one of Sickles’s divisions, situated on the high ground of Hazel Grove about one mile south of Chancellorsville, reported Confederate troops moving south near Catherine’s Furnace, Hooker thought it was evidence of Lee retreating. Oliver O. Howard, deployed on the Union right, reported that he had also seen this maneuver, but he was preparing for an attack from the west. Howard was counting on the tangled wilderness and only 700 men to defend his right flank. Unconcerned, Hooker turned his attention to Lee’s bothersome attacks east of the Chancellorsville crossroads. To put more pressure on what he mistakenly thought to be a retreating army, he ordered Sedgwick to attack the Confederate positions at Fredericksburg.

Jackson’s advance units did not arrive on a high wooded ridge west of Howard’s XI Corps until midafternoon. Jackson’s assault was delayed by his desire to gain the best position on the Federal right flank. As his brigades arrived Jackson arrayed them in an attack formation almost two miles long. In the fading daylight, Jackson quietly ordered his division commanders to commence their attacks.

As Howard’s men prepared their supper, a hoard of screaming Confederate infantrymen burst from the woods and routed the astonished Yankees. Jackson’s men irresistibly surged forward for over two miles before gathering darkness, loss of unit cohesion in the woods, and increasing Federal resistance finally halted their advance. When Jackson returned from a personal reconnaissance ahead of his disjointed units about 9 P.M., troops from the 18th North Carolina Infantry mistook his part in the darkness for Union cavalry and fired on it. Several of his staff fell wounded, and Jackson was hit in three places. Early the next day surgeons amputated his shattered left arm. He began a normal recovery but developed pneumonia and died on 10 May. Lee and the Confederacy lost one of their most aggressive generals, a loss that would be sorely felt at Gettysburg two months later.

Stuart assumed temporary command of Jackson’s corps after Jackson and his senior infantry officers fell wounded. During the night, Stuart prepared to resume the attack and drive on Chancellorsville. Confederate artillery officers identified the high ground at Hazel Grove as key to the battle, and Stuart planned to seize it at dawn. Hooker abandoned this decisive terrain before Stuart ordered his men forward, however, and Rebel artillerymen rushed to occupy the commanding terrain. Desperate fighting in the woods between Hazel Grove and Chancellorsville exacted more casualties on 3 May than had Jackson’s flank attack.

Concentrated Confederate cannon fire from Hazel Grove added to Union casualties and disorder. A shell struck the column on which Hooker was leaning at Chancellor’s Tavern and further addled the already disconcerted general. After a shot of brandy, hooker ordered a general withdrawal to the north. With his separated command linked together, Lee rode triumphantly to Chancellorsville Cross Roads among his cheering men.

The situation at Fredericksburg, however, demanded Lee’s immediate attention. Sedgwick, after three bloody assaults, had broken through Early’s positions at Marye’s Heights and the Federals were advancing on Lee’s rear. The Confederate commander quickly disengaged McLaws’s Division and ordered him east to meet Sedgwick. McLaws failed to react with alacrity, but General Willcox’s men halted the Union troops at Salem Church, four miles west of Fredericksburg. Lee arrived on the morning of 4 May to coordinate an attack that regained Marye’s Heights and forced Sedgwick to retire across the Rappahannock that night.

Union troops in the trenches at Chancellorsville

Union troops in the trenches at Chancellorsville

On 5-6 May, Hooker, against most of his subordinates’ advice, abandoned his line north of Chancellorsville and retreated across the Rappahannock. At any point during the campaign either of Hooker’s wings outnumbered their opponents and could have achieved his primary goal of driving Lee back toward Richmond if Hooker had followed his original plan. Yet Hooker’s vaunted intelligence operation broke down at the crucial moment. The absence of Stoneman’s cavalry meant that Hooker was deprived of intelligence about Confederate strength and positions; with such information he may well have won the battle.

Lee suffered about 13,000 casualties to Hooker’s 18,000. yet the most portentous casualty was Stonewall Jackson, whose death of 10 May required that Lee reorganize the Army of Northern Virginia. While the spectacular victory at Chancellorsville presented Lee with an opportunity to invade the North, it would not be the same army that did so. He and his men would carry and effusive confidence into battle at Gettysburg. There awaited the grim discovery that they were not invincible.

- Stanley S. McGowen

[Source: Heidler, David S. and Jeanne T. Heidler. Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social and Military History. W.W. Norton & Co. 2002. pp. 392-398]

Civil War Trust’s plans to save the Chancellorsville battlefield from development.

For additional reading:

Fishel, Edwin C. The Secret War for the Union (1996).

Furgurson, Ernest B. Chancellorsville, 1863: The Souls of the Brave (1992).

Gallagher, Gary W., ed. Chancellorsville: The Battle and Its Aftermath (1996).

Robertson, James I., Jr. Stonewall Jackson: the Man, the Soldier, the Legend (1997).

Sears, Stephen W. Chancellorsville (1996).

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Quotes regarding the 14th Brooklyn N.Y.S.M. during the Civil War

Marcelin Gauffraw, Company H. The backmark on the photograph is Whitehurst, Gallery, Washington D.C.

Marcelin Gauffraw, Company H. The backmark on the photograph is Whitehurst, Gallery, Washington D.C.

The following is a list of quotes about the 14th Brooklyn, New York State Militia, compiled by Bob Duffy in the mid-1980s. The 14th Brooklyn is an oft-overlooked regiment that fought in 22 major engagements during their three years with the Army of the Potomac.

“There was no corps in the war to which I was more, if as much, attached, as to the Fourteenth of Brooklyn. I mustered it into service, and had it constantly with me; first took it into action and personally led it a second time up the hill against the enemy It was not only a most gallant regiment¸ but a most orderly and intelligent one, and one which with most pride I used to point out to our distinguished visitors.”- Major General Irvin McDowell, 1869 

“On many a weary march and many a hard fought field, I have seen their courage and devotion. Their name was a household word in the army – they were the elite of our division.” – Major General Abner Doubleday, 1886

“The enemy were a portion of the Fourteenth New York State Militia of Brooklyn, and fought with much more bravery than the Federal troops usually exhibit.” - Lieutenant Colonel Fitzhugh Lee, 1861 

“The men of that regiment were from the city, clerks, book-keepers and business men. They were full of shrewd devices to avoid unnecessary hardships.” - Colonel Rufus Dawes, 6th Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry, 1862 

“The Brooklyn Zouaves attained a place in history at the first day’s battle at Gettysburg, by their efficiency under fire and the bravery of their colonel.” - F. Miller, Photographic History of the Civil War, New York, 1911, Vol. 9, p. 346. 

“With a toughness, a discipline and an esprit de corps seldom equaled in our military history, Brooklyn’s Red Legged Devils fought through from First Bull Run to Spotsylvania.” - Bruce Catton, historian, 1961 

“The Famous Brooklyn 14th are here, guarding the town. You see their red legs actively moving everywhere.” - Walt Whitman at Culpeper, Virginia, 1864

“The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher was next introduced, and delivered a short address in his usual forcible manner. He commenced by alluding to the glorious career of the 14th regiment since the first battle of Bull Run, and spoke of the interest which Plymouth Church had always taken in the success of the regiment, although when the members of Plymouth Church first took an interest in the regiment, they had no idea how much credit they were destined to bring upon all who befriended them. He (the speaker) had no desire to rob any regiment of the credit justly belonging to it, but he could say that there was no other city in the United States, which has so much reason to e proud of her favorite regiment, than Brooklyn had to be of her glorious 14th. (Great cheering.)” - Brooklyn Daily Eagle, September 30, 1862 

“Yesterday on dress parade we had about 75 persons to look at us. We are the pet regiment in this place & in fact wherever we go the people like us. The other day I heard people say that they were glad that we had come back here as they did not like the Pennsylvania Reserve. They did not treat them like our boys did.” - First Sergeant William C. Rae, 14th Brooklyn N.Y.S.M. Company B, June 23, 1862 at Falmouth, Virginia (opposite Fredericksburg) 

“The 14th has won that respect from the foe which a brave regiment deserves. When on the Rappahannock the pickets of the 14th used to make frequent trades with the picket on the other side, and the enemy’s pickets were always desirous to know when the 14th boys would be down.” - Brooklyn Daily Eagle, July 7, 1863 

“The Volunteer regiments were constantly breaking, they would break, and then we would rally two or three regiments and bring them up again. The New York 14th (Brooklyn) that behaved so well as broken up nearly all to pieces at the first fire. But they rallied again and went up with Griffin’s battery, and stood their ground remarkably well.” - Brigadier General Andrew Porter recalling First Bull Run, 1862 

“Captain W.C. Connor, C.S.A. of Natchez, Miss. when asked which U.S. unit fought the most gallantly at Bull Run replied, “The 14th of Brooklyn, and Griffin’s and Ricketts batteries fought by far the most gallantly. This is the opinion of all of our officers.” - New York Post, May 18, 1862 

“The troops reviewed made an excellent appearance…One regiment, however, attracted particularly the attention of not only the President and General Hooker, but, in fact, all others present. This was the Brooklyn Fourteenth, N.Y.S.M., or better known by the soubriquet applied to it by the rebels in the first battle of Bull Run, as “The Red Legged Devils,” because they fought so desperately. As this regiment passed in review, “Splendid,” “That is splendid,” was uttered on all sides – and it was a splendid sight.” – New York Times, April 13, 1863 

“Once when the regiment was out of the works and waiting in the hollow before described, a Brooklyn regiment in Zouave uniform was also waiting to be ordered to the front. It was whispered around that they were reputed to be a “Bully fighting regiment,” and therefore attracted attention. They were mostly young men and presented a tidy and smart appearance.” - Culp’s Hill, Gettysburg, after the first days fight. From “Memoirs of the 149th N.Y. Vol. Infantry,” 1891, p. 144. 

“Much consideration must be had for officers who were never before under fire…There were some noble exceptions, the officers of the 27th and 14th advanced cheering their men and fell one after another with dreadful frequency.” - Captain W.W. Averell on the 27th New York Volunteer Infantry and the 14th Brooklyn N.Y.S.M. at Bull Run.

“…the 14th done nobly and the secessionists hate them worse than poison they will not burry any red pants.” - William C. Everett, 14th N.Y.S.M. Company D, August 2, 1861

“We have left only 9 officers & 114 men. The balance are killed, wounded & missing. I will try & write you again unless I should get killed. If I am wounded I will then have a chance to write from the hospital. I do not know whether this letter will go or not.” – First Sergeant William C. Rae, 14th Brooklyn N.Y.S.M. Company B, August 31, 1862. During the Second Bull Run Campaign after he was hit in the shoulder with a spent ball.

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This Week in the American Civil War: April 29-May 5, 1863

MN150Logo_OL_FNLInformation courtesy of the

Minnesota Civil War Commemoration Task Force

(www.mncivilwar150.com and “Minnesota Civil War 150” on Facebook)

 

Major Highlights for the Week

Wednesday April 29, 1863

In Virginia, the majority of Major General Joseph Hooker’s Army of the Potomac crossed the Rappahannock River at Kelly’s and U.S. fords, plunging into the Wilderness, clear of the left flank of General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia. Other actions in the area included Franklin’s Crossing (or Deep Run), just below Fredericksburg, and at Fitzhugh’s Crossing. Federals from Falmouth tried to divert the Confederates from the major effort above the city. Other skirmishing in Virginia occurred at Crook’s Run and Germanna Ford, Kellysville, Brandy Station and Stevensburg.

Thursday April 30, 1863

In Virginia’s Wilderness, Major General Joseph Hooker and his Federal Army of the Potomac set up camp around the Chancellor family house, known as Chancellorsville. Brief skirmishing erupted in the area near Spotsylvania Court House. Meanwhile, Confederate General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia probed and planned.

Major General Ulysses Grant’s Federal forces were across the Mississippi River south of Vicksburg and prepared to move inland.

Skirmishing also occurred at Day’s Gap, Crooked Creek and Hog Mountain, Alabama; Bridgeport, West Virginia; Bloomfield, Missouri; and Fort Gibson, Indian Territory.

Friday May 1, 1863

BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE BEGINS

An alert Army of Northern Virginia grasped the threat of Federal Major General Joseph Hooker’s movement of 70,000 men across the Rappahannock River and hurriedly moved out of Fredericksburg to block the Army of the Potomac’s exit from the Wilderness. In the afternoon, Hooker ordered his main units to withdraw from the advance and concentrate in a five-mile area near Chancellorsville. Surprised by the lack of opposition, Lee cautiously moved forward.

That night, in the woods of the Wilderness, Lee and Lieutenant General Thomas J. Jackson conferred and made one of the most daring military decisions in history. Jackson was to take about 26,000 men through the scraggly brushland and attack Hooker’s vulnerable right flank, while lead would demonstrate with the remainder of his army at Chancellorsville.

In Mississippi, Federal Major General Ulysses Grant’s army continued to move across the Mississippi River at Bruinsburg, south of Vicksburg.

The third session of the First Confederate Congress created a Provisional Navy to supplement the Regular Navy; authorized President Davis to contract for construction of Naval vessels in Europe; provided for election of delegates to Congress from some Indian nations; created the office of Commissioner of Taxes; tightened some of the exemptions in the draft law; and adopted a new national flag known as the “Stainless Banner.” 

Saturday May 2, 1863

STONEWALL JACKSON SHOT AT CHANCELLORSVILLE

Early in the morning, Lieutenant General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson’s Confederate flanking force moved past Catherine Furnace deeper into the Wilderness. Though his move was not completely unseen, the Federals failed to recognize his motives and thought the Confederate army was retreating.

At 6 P.M., when Jackson gave the order to move in. The scurrying wildlife alerted the Federals to the impending attack, and Union outposts fled back upon the main position. Jackson’s attack rolled forward. Though a few Federal units fought well, the majority ran back towards Chancellorsville in various stages of disorder. Meanwhile, General Robert E. Lee’s Confederates opened fire striking the Federal V Corps on the left flank to draw attention away from Jackson.

While trying to cut Federal Major General Joseph Hooker’s Army of the Potomac from escaping through U.S. Ford on the Rappahannock River, Jackson rode forward with a small party. In the darkness, he was mistaken for a Federal soldier and was shot by a Confederate soldier. Jackson’s arm was amputated that night, while command fell to Major General James Ewell Brown (J.E.B.) Stuart, since Major General Ambrose Powell Hill was wounded and unable to take over. It was Hill who requested that Stuart take command.

Sunday May 3, 1863

BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE CONTINUES

At daybreak, Major General J.E.B. Stuart, in command of Jackson’s corps, seized a low hill known as Hazel Grove, and ordered artillery fire on Chancellorsville itself. A shell struck a column of the Chancellor House and a falling brick or column temporarily disabled Federal Army of the Potomac commander, Major General Joseph Hooker. Reluctantly following Hooker’s orders, Major General Darius Couch withdrew the Army of the Potomac back to U.S. Ford. A firm, short position with the right on the Rapidan River and left on the Rappahannock River prevented further disaster.

That night, Major General John Sedgwick’s Federals assaulted Marye’s Heights in Fredericksburg and failed twice. Eventually, the weakened Confederate line gave way and Sedgwick’s men surged forward, and the path to Chancellorsville was open. General Robert E. Lee turned a portion of his line around to confront Sedgwick at Salem Church. In a sharp battle that broke out in late afternoon and lasted until dark, Lee was successful in halting Sedgwick’s advance.

Monday May 4, 1863

BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE CONCLUDES

Federal Major General Joseph Hooker’s Army of the Potomac failed to take the initiative near Chancellorsville and Confederate General Robert E. Lee was able to reinforce troops opposing Major General John Sedgwick at Salem Church. Confederates surrounded Sedgwick’s troops on three sides and attacked in the late afternoon. Sedgwick ordered his forces back to the ford and crossed the Rappahannock River by pontoons during the night, ending the Chancellors campaign. It was the second defeat for the Army of the Potomac in the Fredericksburg area in six months. The Army of the Potomac had 133,868 men engaged at Chancellorsville and Fredericksburg, and sustained 1,606 dead, 9,762 wounded and 5,919 missing for a total of 17,287 casualties from April 27 to May 11. Confederates engaged approximately 60,000 with 1,665 killed, 9,081 wounded and 2,018 missing for a total loss of 12,764, a higher casualty percentage than the Federals suffered. However, the biggest Confederate loss was Lieutenant General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson.

Tuesday May 5, 1863

Confederate General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia spent the day preparing to attack the Army of the Potomac near Chancellorsville, but during the day and night, the Federals recrossed the Rappahannock River in defeat.

Where Minnesota Regiments were the week of April 29 – May 5, 1863 

1st Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Operations around Franklin’s Crossing during the Chancellorsville campaign.

2nd Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Chapel Hill, Tennessee until June 4, 1863.

3rd Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Fort Heiman, Kentucky until June 2, 1863.

4th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Participated in the Battles of Port Gibson, Jones’s Crossroads and Willow Springs in Mississippi.

5th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Movement to join army in rear of Vicksburg via Richmond and Grand Gulf.

6th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Camp Pope near Iowa City, Iowa until June 16, 1863.

7th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On garrison duty in Mankato and other points in Minnesota until June 1863.

8th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On frontier duty at various points in Minnesota: Anoka, Princeton, Monticello, Kingston, Manannah, Paynesville, Fort Ripley, Sauk Center, Pomme de Terre, Alexandria and Fort Abercrombie until May 1864.

9th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On garrison duty in various frontier Minnesota communities until June 1863.

10th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Regiment on detached service for garrison duty at various outposts in frontier Minnesota until June 1863.

1st Regiment Minnesota Cavalry “Mounted Rangers” – Organized at St. Cloud, St. Peter and Fort Snelling for frontier duty against Indians until June 1863.

Brackett’s Battalion of Minnesota Cavalry – On duty at Fort Donelson, Tennessee until June 5, 1863.

1st Minnesota Light Artillery Battery – On duty during siege of Vicksburg, Mississippi, until July 4, 1863.

2nd Independent Battery, Minnesota Light Artillery – On duty at Murfreesboro Tennessee until June 4, 1863.

2nd United States Sharpshooters, Company A – Participated in the Battle of Chancellorsville in Virginia.C

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This Week in the American Civil War: April 22-28, 1863

MN150Logo_OL_FNLInformation courtesy of the

Minnesota Civil War Commemoration Task Force

(www.mncivilwar150.com and “Minnesota Civil War 150” on Facebook)

 

Major Highlights for the Week

Wednesday April 22, 1863

A Federal flotilla of six transports and twelve barges attempted to pass the Confederate artillery batteries in front of Vicksburg, Mississippi. One transport and six barges were sunk, but the remainder carried their supplies to Major General Ulysses S. Grant’s troops below the city.

Skirmishing occurred at Fredericktown, Missouri; Bayou Boeuf Road near Washington, Louisiana; Hartsville, Tennessee; Rock Cut near Tuscumbia, Alabama; Point Pleasant, West Virginia; and Fisher’s Hill, Virginia.

Thursday April 23, 1863

President Abraham Lincoln notified Major General William Rosecrans that he had not heard any negative reports about the general, who was quite sensitive at that point.

Four vessels evaded the U.S. Navy’s blockade and landed their cargo at Wilmington, North Carolina.

Friday April 24, 1863

The Confederate Congress levied a comprehensive “take in kind” of one tenth of all produce of the land for the year 1863.

Brigadier General Grenville Dodge’s Federal force captured Tuscumbia, Alabama. Skirmishes were also occurred at Garlandville and Birmingham, Mississippi; Middle Creek Bridges, Missouri; and on the Edenton Road near Suffolk, Virginia. 

Saturday April 25, 1863

The British Parliament loudly debated the seizure of British vessels by American cruisers on blockade duty.

Skirmishes occurred near Hard Times Landing, Mississippi, as Major General Ulysses S. Grant’s troops continued to push south after bypassing Vicksburg. Skirmishes also broke out near Fort Bowie, Arizona Territory; Greenland Gap, West Virginia; and at Webber’s Falls, Indian Territory.

Confederate Major General Dabney H. Maury assumed command of the Confederate Department of East Tennessee, a difficult assignment in view of the prevailing pro-Union sentiment.

Sunday April 26, 1863

Another heavy day of skirmishing as fighting broke out at Cape Girardeau, Independence and Jackson, Missouri; Altamont, Oakland and Cranberry Summit, Maryland; Burlington and Portland, West Virginia; Oak Grove, Virginia; and College Grove, Tennessee.

Monday April 27, 1863

The Federal Army of the Potomac began to move in Virginia. Major General Joseph Hooker’s forces marched from Falmouth, up the Rappahannock River towards the fords that would pass them to the west bank of the river.

Skirmishing continued at Jackson and White Water Bridge, Missouri; Carter Creek Pike, Tennessee; Barboursville and Woodburn, Kentucky; Town Creek, Alabama; and at Morgantown and Independence, West Virginia.

Tuesday April 28, 1863

Major General Joseph Hooker’s Army of the Potomac began crossing the Rappahannock River in the Wilderness area, upstream from Fredericksburg, while a large force still confronted the Confederates across from the city. The ringing of the church bell at the Episcopal Church in Fredericksburg sounded the alarm alerting Confederate General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia of the Federal flank attack.

President Abraham Lincoln commuted the death sentence of Sergeant John A. Chase, convicted of striking and threatening an officer, but ordered him imprisoned at hard labor “with ball and chain attached to his leg” for the remainder of the war.

Where Minnesota Regiments were the week of April 22-28, 1863 

1st Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – In camp near Falmouth, Virginia until April 1863.

2nd Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Chapel Hill, Tennessee until June 4, 1863.

3rd Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Fort Heiman, Kentucky until June 2, 1863.

4th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On the march to Bruinsburg and Grand Gulf, Mississippi.

5th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Duckport, Louisiana until April 29, 1863.

6th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On duty at Camp Pope near Iowa City, Iowa until June 16, 1863.

7th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On garrison duty in Mankato and other points in Minnesota until June 1863.

8th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On frontier duty at various points in Minnesota: Anoka, Princeton, Monticello, Kingston, Manannah, Paynesville, Fort Ripley, Sauk Center, Pomme de Terre, Alexandria and Fort Abercrombie until May 1864.

9th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – On garrison duty in various frontier Minnesota communities until June 1863.

10th Minnesota Volunteer Infantry – Regiment on detached service for garrison duty at various outposts in frontier Minnesota until June 1863.

1st Regiment Minnesota Cavalry “Mounted Rangers” – Organized at St. Cloud, St. Peter and Fort Snelling for frontier duty against Indians until June 1863.

Brackett’s Battalion of Minnesota Cavalry – On duty at Fort Donelson, Tennessee until June 5, 1863.

1st Minnesota Light Artillery Battery – On the march to Bruinsburg and Grand Gulf, Mississippi.

2nd Independent Battery, Minnesota Light Artillery – On duty at Murfreesboro Tennessee until June 4, 1863.

2nd United States Sharpshooters, Company A – On the march to cross the Rappahannock River north of Fredericksburg.

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Muskets and Memories: A Modern Man’s Journey through the Civil War

 

 

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